Atiku at it again
Anybody who thinks public presentation of a book should be about thematic issues concerning the book itself, must have been taken aback at what transpired at the presentation of Chido Onumah’s, We Are All Biafrans, last week
The audience got more than they bargained for when former Vice President Atiku Abubakar turned the event into a political talk shop of sort and took a swipe at both his former boss ex- President Olusegun Obasanjo, the previous governments, and the Buhari government of which he is supposedly a part. In the process he opened a floodgate of commentaries and generated a lot of controversies. Atiku reviled the problems with Nigeria’s political elites and why they have been unable to get it right after decades of independence. In summary, it was a bombshell that had the capacity to unsettle the government of the day from a supposed insider. His homily has since got tongues wagging, as people continue to wonder whether his speech was meant to worm his way back to people’s consciousness, and more to show his readiness for the top job come 2019. His international network of business also earns him media exposure.
To be sure, Atiku is not averse to such debates; in fact, either by acts of omission or commission, he courts controversies, he is not afraid to oppose from within the government he is serving in. Unarguably the most powerful Vice President ever, Atiku’s first term with President Obasanjo was eventful; his following was so huge, many of the governors were loyal and were ready to queue behind him for the presidency if he would throw his hat into the ring. It was said that a former governor from the South-south zone led over 15 governors of the PDP at the time on a mission to prevail on Atiku to run against his former boss at the 2002 PDP primaries. He did somehow but however made a costly mistake; he chickened out and conceded to his boss after some nocturnal appeals and negotiations synonymous with the intense politicking at the time.
Then Atiku’s political assets nosedived. He spent the remaining four years struggling for survival, while fighting to extricate himself from corruption charges and several court cases, most of which he won to the advantage of our democratic experience. He contested the 2007 presidential election under the Action Congress and eventually lost to the late Umaru Musa Yar’adua.
He was not deterred. In 2011, he returned to the PDP to square up with Goodluck Jonathan after he emerged as Adamu Ciroma’s committtee’s consensus candidate from the North. Again, he lost the primaries, but his memorable speech and the jabs he threw at Jonathan, endeared him to many, and further won him some respect. In no time he joined the APC moving train. He lost to President Muhammadu Buhari, who by this time had become a cult hero; but he later joined forces with him for the then emerging political bloc, the APC, to clinch power at the centre. The rest as they say is now history.
The serial aspirant/candidate is now making a dramatic return, or so it seems, considering his open criticisms of government’s policies and approach to issues last week. His restless and never-say-die spirit is up again.
He gave sobering lessons in political engineering, asking for the restructuring of the country in a system that marginalizes and brooks no dissent and which no longer serves the nation’s interest. He was referring to IPOB, Niger Delta Avengers and the likes. “ The federal government is too big and too powerful relative to the federating states; that situation needs to change, and calling for that is patriotic.
“An excessively powerful centre does not equate to national unity… Absolutely not. And I reject that notion. If anything, it has made our unity more fragile, our government more unstable and our country unsafe. We must renegotiate our union in order to make it strong”, he averred.
Atiku said the idea of a Ministry for the Niger Delta was encapsulated in his blueprint as an aspirant in 2007 but the late President Yar’adua appropriated and implemented it haphazardly, leaving out the key components of situating the capital at the heart of Niger Delta, and turning the agitators into coasts guards, to serve two purposes of providing employment and protecting the shorelines and oil installations. He carpeted the gas-to-power project started by the Obasanjo administration and continued by successive governments for leaving out his suggestions of captive stations, adding that the gas-to-power idea would never work as long as the Niger Delta agitation is not addressed.
Attacking a sitting government is Atiku’s pastime. In 2011, after emerging the North’s consensus candidate he flayed Jonathan on his disregard for zoning thus: “the unity of this country, equity and justice require that existing agreements freely entered into by individuals and groups be respected. This is not a North versus South thing, as some dishonest people would like to frame it. It is about honour, thrust and fairness. Our words must be our bond. We must learn to respect agreements so that the unity of this country may endure.” The former VP, who described himself as the most experienced contender at the time, also dismissed the former President by saying that Nigeria needed a ‘good leader and not good luck.’
On the economy, he queried: “Why are our budgets not being implemented? Why has the money in our Excess Crude Account disappeared at a time when oil prices have been way above the benchmark used for our budget estimates? Why are our foreign reserves being depleted…why is this government quickly dragging us to indebtedness after we sacrificed so much to pull ourselves out of debt slavery?”
No doubt, the history of democracy and political development in Nigeria might never be complete without Atiku’s practical insights and experience. A student of General Shehu Yar’Adua’s politics of bridge building, Atiku has mastered the act of surrounding himself with loyalists that cut across all our fault-lines and divides.
When he chose the venue of the presentation of a book that has a bizarre title relating to our ugly past, to pick holes in even the government he helped to power, he left many with divergent interpretations. Is Atiku preparing the ground to contest the presidential elections in 2019? Is he going into alliance with the South-South and South? Is that why he used the occasion to appeal to their base sentiments?
Well, well, well. So many questions. Although the quintessential politician’s comeback will surely elicit mixed reactions or even condemnation, his doggedness and ruggedness are in no doubt.
In the countdown to the 2019 race, time surely will tell if the Turaki is on the march again.
Ikpeazu: Adeyemi’s verbal thuggery
Ikpeazu: Adeyemi’s verbal thuggery
By Ray Ekpu
Since I haven’t had the courage to sink my feet into the shark-infested, murky waters of Nigerian politics, I always admire my professional colleagues who are able to do so.
I think of such men as Alhaji Lateef Jakande, former Governor of Lagos State, Chief Segun Osoba, former Governor of Ogun State, Mr Moses Ekpo, present Deputy Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Chief Clement Ebri, former Governor of Cross River State, Chief Ayogu Eze, an Enugu State Senator and Chief Smart Adeyemi, Senator representing Kogi West. This may not be a comprehensive list of journalists who have been in politics. Long before these men, we have had such men as Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Chief Tony Enahoro, to mention but a few.
It is believed that the entry of these men at various times had brought honour to our much-despised profession of journalism. It had also placed them in situations where they could contribute to the defence of press freedom whenever any attempt to trample on it/was made. Apart from those advantages journalists operate in their profession with facts and figures that can lead to the search for truth. If they bring these to the table of politics, it may be a major contributor to the betterment of our society. That is why the recent verbal thuggery by Smart Adeyemi, APC Senator representing Kogi West was a big disappointment to me.
But before I delve into that issue, let me state that when Adeyemi was elected National President of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), many years ago, we in the Newspaper Proprietors’ Association of Nigeria (NPAN) were warned that Adeyemi was capable of being reckless.
We were advised to be ready to absorb whatever he was ready to throw at the NPAN. One of the early actions of the NUJ under his leadership was to prescribe a salary scale for journalists which the NPAN must adopt. We countered that the Federal Government’s minimum wage was the only legally acceptable minimum wage. Any employer had a right to go from there upwards so as to attract and retain good staff.
Secondly, we thought that in a deregulated economy, salaries should be negotiated individually within a scale fixed by the employer and not treated as mass therapy.
Thirdly, we knew that in an industry where financial strength differed because some publications were monthly, weekly or daily, it would be unwise to have a uniform salary grade prescribed for all companies. It was obvious that this unimplementable salary structure was simply a way of playing to the gallery. Adeyemi also came to the Annual General Meeting of the NPAN in 2002 in Abuja to seek to install a President of his choice for the NPAN. I was one of the three contestants. One of the other two contestants was from Adeyemi’s ethnic group and the third man was from Niger Delta.
On the campaign trail, when he met people of his ethnic group, he would tell them to vote for their man. When he met people of other ethnic groups, he simply told them not to vote for me because I had promised to destroy the NUJ if I became President of the NPAN. How and why would an NPAN President destroy NUJ? He did not say. But the people he spoke to knew the truth namely, that since the NUJ and the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE) were already headed by people of his ethnic origin, he simply wanted a clean sweep by adding the NPAN trophy to the collection by his tribe. He did not care to find out who votes at NPAN elections.
He did not also realize that the publishers considered it an insult for him, as the leader of NPAN’s employees, to seek to decide who will run the NPAN. His gamble failed because he did not know either the limit or the implication of his action. He was simply displaying foolhardiness, the product of either overzealousness or youthfulness. That was about 20 years ago. My view was that he would grow up but it is doubtful if he has.
When he won the election again recently into the Senate, I was happy for him because I thought his constituents thought, he deserved to represent them again. I also thought that was a plus for our profession. But his recent verbal diarrhea is a big disappointment. Here are the facts: Stephen Odey, Senator representing Cross River North had sponsored a motion on safe school initiative. In his contribution to the debate, Adeyemi, taking off from a tangent, said: “in some states of Nigeria today, where we have highly intelligent people, very enterprising people like Abia, they are governed by drunkards. The Governor of Abia is a champagne-drinking man. Abia people are impoverished more than ever before. Abia people are unfortunate”. The speculation is that Adeyemi was indirectly responding to a social media post in which Senate Minority Leader, Mr. Enyinnaya Abaribe of Abia State allegedly criticized Kogi State Governor, Mr. Yahaya Bello.
Yahaya Bello is said to be Adeyemi’s political godfather. Abaribe has disassociated himself from the social media post and has said that he never criticized Bello at any time. Abaribe said: “I am very surprised that my good friend and colleague decided to open up on the Governor of Abia for something I never said”. Also, Governor Okezie Ikpeazu has said, “I don’t drink alcohol and I don’t begrudge those who drink”. In this case, Adeyemi was making a defamatory statement about a person he doesn’t know, hiding under the canopy of parliamentary privilege. Any beer parlour journalist could have done better than that.
Adeyemi’s attack on Governor Ikpeazu is completely puerile and illogical. Assuming for the purpose of argument that Abaribe had criticized Bello (and he has denied it) isn’t Bello with a battery of attack dogs under his employment capable of defending himself either by himself or by his attack dogs? Assuming also that Adeyemi was working under the philosophy that any attack on his godfather was an attack on him, why didn’t he attack Abaribe instead of Ikpeazu? Why would he attack Ikpeazu who neither attacked him (Adeyemi) nor his godfather (Bello)?
Obviously, Adeyemi had no business insulting a man who neither insulted him nor his godfather. His attack on Ikpeazu is a baseless form of transferred aggression. Dr. Ikpeazu also had nothing to do with the issue of safe school, which was on the table of the Senate that day and did not by any stretch of logic or imagination deserve to be unfairly targeted by a man whose words actually sound closer, by its lack of any truthful ingredient, to that of a drunkard than that of a Senator. Adeyemi was simply acting as a busy body, as someone who is shopping around for trouble and for enemies because he knows that anything he says in parliament, no matter how toxic is covered by the cloak of parliamentary immunity. Any loose talk of such monumental falsity as the one delivered by Adeyemi is capable of bringing the Senate into disrepute and avoidable ridicule.
I hope that Adeyemi is capable of growing up, of guarding his tongue and restraining himself from the use of unparliamentary language in parliament. Dr. Ikpeazu has handled the provocation in a very mature manner. At the launch of the autobiography of Abaribe, titled “Made in Aba, Governor Ikpeazu politely debunked the accusation and didn’t seek to drive a knife into the heart of the man who had attempted to soil his reputation. He simply said, “if you are bathing and a mad man takes your wrapper and runs away, if you run after him naked, people will not know who is the mad person”. It is a pity that the Senate President closed the matter without reprimanding Adeyemi or asking him to withdraw those unsubstantiated toxic words against a Governor of a State. If Adeyemi does not prove that Governor Ikpeazu is a drunkard, then the only honourable thing for him to do is to apologise to the Governor. That will restore his dignity and the dignity of the Senate.
The Senate is a gathering of distinguished men and women only three per state, chosen by their people to make laws for the good governance of Nigeria. It is not a gathering of rabble-rousers and no Senator should be allowed to reduce it to or for the public to perceive it as a gathering for ruffianly vituperation. I am not sure that even Adeyemi’s godfather, Bello will be happy to be dragged into a matter in which his brother Governor is being unfairly ridiculed, especially if he finds out that the fight initiated by Adeyemi is based on nothing but falsehood. I know that thuggery, verbal and physical, are part of the arsenal in Nigerian politics, but even that has to have a high degree of justification to be tolerated.
When election season is over, the expectation is that our politicians will sanitise their tongues and keep them in check until election season arrives again. Even when that season comes, we will expect a high degree of sanity in their election rhetoric. That is how to help or democracy to grow.
“Justice At last for Abuja Indigenes!”
“Justice At last for Abuja Indigenes!”
After 42 years of complicated relationship with federal authorities that grabbed their land for the purpose of building a capital for the nation, Abuja original inhabitants last Monday got some significant justice that will change their national profile for ever.
It is puzzling most news media organs were unaware of the ruling on the status of the Abuja original inhabitants: The ruling certainly has some jurisprudential significance.
This is the story even most judicial reporters either curiously missed or did not consider newsworthy: The Court of Appeal in Abuja on that Monday declared in a landmark judgment that indigenous inhabitants of Abuja are indeed entitled to a ministerial representation in the Federal Executive Council as provided by the combined provisions of Sections 147 (3), 299, 14 (3) and 42 of 1999 Constitution.
The Court also declared that persistent denial and refusal of past and current presidents to appoint an indigene of FCT Abuja as a minister in the federal executive council (FEC) since May 1999 tantamount to a gross violation of the said constitutional right against discrimination.
Accordingly, the Court directed the President to immediately make the said appointment. N100, 000 was awarded against the president and the Attorney General of the Federation as first and second respondents.
Expectedly, some FCT indigenes have expressed delight over Court of Appeal’s Jan. 15 judgment that entitled them to ministerial representation in the Executive Council of the Federation.
The natives of Abuja said the decision would give them the opportunity to fully participate in governance in the nation’s capital their forefathers donated to the nation more than four decades ago.
While congratulating the original inhabitants, it is also important to implore President Muhammadu Buhari to implement the judicial decision without delay. This is in the interest of peace and stability of the permanent capital of the federation.
The (federal) capital was legally moved from Lagos to Abuja on Thursday 12 December, 1991 by the then General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB) military regime. The proclamation of Abuja as the nation’s capital was done by the military regime of General Murtala Mohammed on 3rd December 1976.
The battle for this judicial recognition and victory has been a long drawn one. The natives have been agitating for political recognition and other rights since creation of the capital. Even the 1999 constitution has long been identified as unfair to the citizens of Abuja who actually have no other state of the federation to claim. Section 299 of the Constitution provides the ambiguity successive governments have been exploiting to cheat the people. They have political representation at the level of civil service up to the office of permanent secretary, National Population, among others, but specifically, representation at the cabinet level has been a huge challenge despite peaceful agitations.
For instance, in October 2015, when the Buhari administration was concluding cabinet making, the Abuja indigenes protested for their right to nominate their own representatives too. But as usual, no one listened to them.
Specifically, yours sincerely had in the last three decades written more than 45 articles on the plight of the original inhabitants of Abuja, especially within the context of the ambiguous provisions in various extant laws on the Federal Territory that have always discriminated against them.
What is worse, the Federation Capital has no democratic institution beyond its only six (local) Area Councils. No State Legislature as the Constitution makes the National Assembly the Assembly for the Natives. The Senate is made up of three Senators from each of the 36 States of the Federation. But Abuja has only one Senate Slot. The House of Representatives of 360 members have only two representatives from Abuja’s (two federal constituencies). Besides, the Constitution, which makes the President and the Vice President their Governor and Deputy Governors respectively, enables the same president, (their governor) to mominate a minister to represent the FCT in the federal cabinet. But the President, their governor is not mandated to name a representative from among the natives. This has been the tragedy of the ambiguity of the controversial Section 299, which has been the main issue for the natives of Abuja.
The section states specifically that Abuja should be treated as if it were one of the states of the federation… That was the main provision in the nation’s organic law the natives approached various courts to interpret.
The main victory over this darkness came so clearly last Monday when the Abuja Court of Appeal ruled so powerfully, so unanimously that Abuja should indeed be treated as one of the states of the federation. This massive victory came as a thief in the night and the news media “comprehended it not” for recognition as a prominent news item for the front pages and prime time.
It will be recalled that before the last cabinet was sworn in, in 2015 hundreds of protesters under the aegis of Coalition of Indigenous Inhabitants staged a protest over alleged marginalization of the natives of capital city by the federal government.
The protesters, comprising youths, old women and men, drawn from the six Area Councils of Abuja, took the protest to the gate of the National Assembly, almost barricading the access road before the police repelled them.
That marked the end of the protest. The National Assembly, their Assembly did not table the request.
The natives said then that they staged the protest to clamour for a ministerial post and creation of what they term as “second tier government” in Abuja to bring government closer to the people.
The indigenes also expressed dissatisfaction with the way Abuja indigenes were allegedly treated in the composition of departments and agencies under the Federal Capital Development Administration, FCDA. Their words then: “We are here to say we have been marginalized beyond what we can bear.
We cannot sit down and people come from all over the country to rule us as ministers….”
The leader of the coalition then, Ezekiel Balatu was also quoted as saying that the FCT should be accorded a state status even as he argued that in the Nigerian Constitution, Federal Character principle and an Appeal Court judgment in the case of Okeyede vs FCTA supported their claim. “So we should have a minister like every other state,” he said.
Even the police then could not stop Balatu from adding that, “Also, we need a second tier government that will cater for the needs of the indigenes. Why we are here is because we don’t have our own House of Assembly. The National Assembly is our House of Assembly. It should not be. How can an Abaji resident reach Aso Rock Villa to complain? We should have a government that is closer to us, which is for the people and by the people. If our parents have endured this suffering for 39 years, we younger generation are saying no….”
Mr. Balatu however said they were motivated to embark on the protest as a result of their belief in President Muhammadu Buhari.
Another leader of the group, Yusuf Danlami of Abaji Area Council, said the protest was genuine and, “it is not that we are sponsored by anybody.”
A week before the protest, the only Senator representing Abuja, Phillip Aduda, had raised an objection to the non-inclusion of any indigene of FCT in the ministerial list read by the Senate President, Senator Bukola Saraki but no action was taken by the Upper House.
When the natives got frustrated even by their representatives at their Assembly, our Assembly, they headed for the ECOWAS Court based in Abuja too. They dragged the Federal Government of Nigeria to the ECOWAS Court over “political, social, and economic developmental deprivation and marginalization”.
The inhabitants had in their affidavit lamented, “continuous evacuation, demolitions of indigenous peoples of FCT Natives Houses, displacement of some indigenous communities of FCT original natives, grabs of their ancestral lands without legally due payments of adequate compensation or adequate resettlement.”
They also raised, “issues of land-grab, demolition of natives houses illegally, illegal arrest on the processes of demolition, ecological degradation/ environmental remediation, non-development of satellite towns, marginalization in appointments, non- compensation of compulsorily acquired lands, massive sacking of whole villages for the appropriation of their landed/ natural resources by selfish politicians and their cronies in government”.
The inhabitants, therefore, sought certain order/reliefs including:
– A declaration that the applicants, as law abiding citizens, are entitled to right to life, freedom of movement, freedom of Association, right to human dignity, right to integrity of their person, right to the security of their person, right not to be discriminated in their society, and Right to guarantee their state status as citizens of Nigeria, FCT Abuja.
– A declaration that the applicants members who lost their lives, suffer illegal arrest, demolitions of their respective Houses in the FCT Abuja on the continuous violation of their Fundamental Rights are entitled to a compensation to the sum of (2 trillion Naira only), which is general damage caused by the government, during recent and past administrations and payment of outstanding compensation balance due to indigenes of FCT made by the federal government.
Meanwhile, the only consolation the Abuja natives got in recent years was in 2014 when the then political conference recommended an elected Mayoralty for the Federal Capital Territory. They had then commended the conference delegates for approving mayoral status, ministerial slot and compensation for FCT lands the federal government grabbed since 1976 without compensation.
In July 2014 the natives of the Federal Capital Territory on the platform of Original Inhabitants Development Association of Abuja (OIDA) commended the National Conference for giving voice to the aspirations of Abuja natives through the approval of a Mayoral status for Abuja; One (1) Ministerial slot for FCT; Two (2) additional Federal Constituencies; Two (2) additional Area Councils; an FCT Commission for Indigenous People and asking the Federal Government to accelerate compensation for owners of seized lands in the nation’s capital.
A statement signed then by OIDA Media Adviser, Sumner Shagari Sambo stated that, “a democratically elected Mayor and Deputy Mayor will aid good governance and accountability to the FCT electorate unlike the present ministerial system that lacks transparency and accountability to the people. It will also put Nigeria on the global map as one of the countries with an elected Mayor that runs its capital city in accordance with democratic best practices.”
The FCT original inhabitants added then that the recommendations of the General Ike Nwachukwu and Mohammed Kumalia led-Committee on “Political Restructuring and Forms of Government” was in tandem with the natives’ desire for a democratic system that allows Abuja indigenous people and other Nigerians resident in the city to freely elect leaders that can be directly held accountable by them.
When will President Buhari implement the Court of Appeal’s significant judgment? There are useful lessons here from the strategy of the Abuja natives who have never spilled any resident’s blood in the name of massive land grab since 1976. We will continue the lessons some day by His grace!
Culled from the Guardian
Inside Stuff with MARTINS OLOJA,
Between half-full and half-empty cups
Between half-full and half-empty cups
By Zainab Okino
I consider it a national tragedy to compare the disastrous government of ex-President Goodluck Jonathan with President Muhammadu Buhari’s highly over-rated and disappointingly under-achieved government, but in the last few weeks, many have journeyed to the past in retrospect and came up with damning similar indices.
The other day, three young ladies, having a heated argument over Jonathan/Buhari’s tenures confronted me with the papers on the lips of everyone today. How did Jonathan’s government impact on the welfare of the citizens? Is poverty more prevalent today than it was some years back?
And to underscore their knowledge of issues as aspiring leaders, they said their enquiry was about the generality of Nigerians especially the lower class and not necessarily about elite whose consumption pattern can be exotic and luxurious, and who are also finding it difficult to adjust to the hard times.
Although, the answer is obvious, it is, however, not as simplistic as that, as other issues may have to be factored in to underscore the choice of Buhari in 2015 as it were, despite the so-called ‘prosperity’ of Jonathan’s era compared to the rising poverty level of today. If Nigerians are now benchmarking the current government with Jonathan’s, considered to be the worst chapter in the nation’s history, then, we are in trouble.
The answer to the poverty level as enquired by the young ladies couldn’t have been palatable, not after NBS’s statistics of 4.3M and 3.7M job losses in 2017 and 2016, respectively, with concomitant consequences, under the watchful eyes of a government that promised to create 3M jobs every year.
The reality is, sadly stark. The main duties of government are welfare and security, but these have taken a flight in Nigeria. Although we must reckon with the effort of the Buhari government to initially nip the Boko Haram challenge in the bud, their resurgence, and the general insecurity all over the country, especially headsmen-farmers’ clash is worrisome. Just like Buhari now, Jonathan dithered and allowed Boko Haram to fester; he attributed an insurgency with international dimension to politics, assuming erroneously that the North unleashed Boko Haram on his government, after he, a Southern minority took over from the late Umaru Yar’adua. By the time the terrorist group took the war to his home-front in Abuja, killed hundreds of military, para-military personnel, ordinary citizens, abducted over 200 girls from a Chibok school and put Nigeria on red alert and terrorism map of the world, it became too late for Jonathan, and losing the election even as an incumbent was only a matter of time.
The Jonathan scenario played out with Buhari on his (mis)handling of the herdsmen-farmers’ incessant altercations until it deteriorated to the level it is today and can even get worse if the president does not act fast. Allegations against Fulani herdsmen in the Benue killings and their effrontery in the kidnapping ring in many parts of the country are not proactively addressed. A government that held so much promise because of Buhari’s cult following as a man of integrity, and promised so much, by now should have investigated and get the murderers jailed, whether Fulanis or anybody at all, while attacks/killings of herdsmen should be meted/treated with the same measures.
The similarities in style of governance in Buhari and Jonathan are becoming unsettling indeed. Buhari’s defenders are won’t to say the president is being misled by his advisers and cronies, the cabal and scoundrels who surround him; hold him hostage and take decisions on his behalf without consultation, the very excuse Jonathan’s buddies used to justify his monumental failure. In the current dispensation, all bad decisions and outcomes come from these bad guys, while the good ones are attributed to Buhari. In order words, he is a captive president just like Jonathan who was said not to be in charge of the affairs of the state; who while he drank his life away, appointees and aides like the Diezanis, the Oduas, the Orubebes held sway and determined the direction of government, while Nigeria burned.
Just like Buhari is doing, Jonathan made importation of fuel a state policy because importation gives immediate gratification to friends and cronies instead of massive investment in fixing the existing refineries and building new ones to meet local consumption, but Buhari even compounded our woes further. In over 20 years, no president, dead or alive has hiked the price of fuel with the margin Buhari did without having to face the wrath of Organised Labour and contend with the people’s wrath. Buhari did it without a whimper of protests, again underscoring the measure of the goodwill he enjoined and the confidence people had in his government. The cookies have since crumbled and I wonder if this government can recover from the blow and loss of ground considering the barrage of criticisms and the groundswell of anger in the land.
Lack of capacity and ability to show statesmanship has been the lot of our successive leaders. Leaders who held so much promise and squandered the goodwill they had. Leaders who came in a blaze of glory and left in ignominy. Not even military leaders like Babangida who took Nigerians’ tolerance of his dribbling tactics for granted until he dribbled himself to a point of no return, is immune from this sad phenomenon.
Buhari’s inaction, aloofness and delayed response to issues are affecting his government so much that Father Mbaka had to come to judgment once again. I don’t want to go into the spiritual realm, but millions believe in prophesies and are holding their breath, to see whether Father Mbaka actually communed with God over Buhari losing election in 2019 if he runs and if he does not change his tactics. When the going was good, and with the bandwagon effects that followed Jonathan’s rejection in 2015, APC sympathisers and even non-political actors ensured Father Mbaka’s prophecy of Jonathan’s impending election doom went viral on the social media. Now that Father Mbaka has returned with vengeance, with bad news for Buhari, his message is being rejected by the remnants of Buhari’s die-hard supporters. Not forgetting Rueben Abati’s demons and evil powers in the villa assertion. Buhari’s men are also blaming diabolical marabouts for being responsible for our woes. It is only in Nigeria that failure of governance is attributed to cabals, witches and wizards, evil spirits and demons.
Now everyone is apprehensive about 2019. Opening this year with bloodbath has not helped matters. In the final analysis, Nigerians are asking: have they been duped? Were they hoodwinked and deceived to believe that the grass is greener on the other side? In fact have we been collectively short-changed? As painful as it is, our lot under Jonathan and now Buhari, can be likened to a half-full cup and a half-empty cup analogy that has left the country economically depraved, socially disoriented and derided by the world. Therefore, from a half-empty clueless government of Jonathan to a grace-to-grass half-full government of Buhari, Nigeria is once again on tenterhooks, and the people, more than ever before are the biggest losers.
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